Why is more history less money?

Ghetto was never so good as it was in the south...





Project mentality is not new

Most never know where it started or why

Most think the south is a peacefull place

But where did this project mentality really start?



"Peep this!"






Techwood Homes
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


Techwood Homes was the first public housing project in the United States.

Located in Atlanta, Georgia, it was completed in 1936, but was dedicated on November 29th of the previous year by U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt.

It was intended to eliminate the slums that the poor had been living in, but eventually became one itself.


It was run by the Atlanta Housing Authority. The name came from Techwood Drive, in turn named for nearby Georgia Tech. Throughout the 70's, 80's, and 90's the area was synonymous with urban blight in Atlanta.

For a period of time, the zip code 30313 was the most violent zip code in the state of Georgia.


Except for a few historic buildings, Techwood Homes was demolished in 1996 before the 1996 Summer Olympics. It and neighboring Clark Howell Homes are now a mixed-use area called Centennial Place. The first phase opened in 1996 just before the Centennial Olympics, hence the new name.

Former residents were relocated to other areas, and given vouchers to pay part of the rent.

Many moved back (bullshit!) in to Centennial Place, though it had far fewer subsidized units than Techwood Homes.


It's funny how history is written...isn't it?



So lets talk about race in the south....lol


Here's a good his-story


http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/media_content/m-8870.jpg

Atlanta Race Riot
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


The Atlanta Race Riot of 1906 was a mass civil disturbance in Atlanta, Georgia, USA which began the evening of September 22nd and lasted until September 25th.

At least 27 people died[1] and over seventy were injured. (bullshit...it was alot more than that!)


Atlanta newspapers reported that black men were assaulting white women.

The charges were not true, but the reports set off the Atlanta race riot of 1906. The official death count was 12 black and two white, but it has been claimed the real death toll was much higher as Atlanta authorities did not want to further damage the reputation of the city.

The riot was reported in newspapers around the world but has not been taught in schools in the United States, and those who died have not been officially commemorated.

Here is some more his-story:




Atlanta Race Riot of 1906

During the Atlanta race riot that occurred September 22-24, 1906, white mobs killed dozens of blacks, wounded scores of others, and inflicted considerable property damage. Local newspaper reports of alleged assaults by black males on white females were the catalyst for the riot, but a number of underlying causes lay behind the outbreak of mob violence.
Causes of the Riot


By the 1880s Atlanta had become the hub of the regional economy, and the city's overall population soared from 89,000 in 1900 to 150,000 in 1910; the black population was approximately 9,000 in 1880 and 35,000 by 1900. Such growth put pressure on municipal services, increased job competition among black and white workers, heightened class distinctions, and led the city's white leadership to respond with restrictions intended to control the daily behavior of the growing working class, with mixed success. Such conditions caused concern among elite whites, who feared the social intermingling of the races, and led to an expansion of Jim Crow segregation, particularly in the separation of white and black neighborhoods and separate seating areas for public transportation.


The emergence during this time of a black elite in Atlanta also contributed to racial tensions in the city. During Reconstruction (1867-76), black men were given the right to vote, and as blacks became more involved in the political realm, they began to establish businesses, create social networks, and build communities.


As this black elite acquired wealth, education, and prestige, its members attempted to distance themselves from an affiliation with the black working class, and especially from the unemployed black men who frequented the saloons on Atlanta's Decatur Street. Many whites, while uncomfortable with the advances of the black elite, also disapproved of these saloons, which were said to be decorated with depictions of nude women. Concern over such establishments fueled prohibition advocates in the city, and many whites began to blame black saloon-goers for rising crime rates in the growing city, and particularly for threats of black sexual violence against white women.


The candidates for the 1906 governor's race played to white fears of a black upper class. In the months leading up to the August election, both Hoke Smith, the former publisher of the Atlanta Journal, and Clark Howell, the editor of the Atlanta Constitution, were in the position as gubernatorial candidates of being able to influence public opinion through their newspapers. Smith, with the public support of former Populist Tom Watson, inflamed racial tensions in Atlanta by insisting that black disfranchisement was necessary to ensure that blacks were kept "in their place"; that is, in a position inferior to that of whites. Since receiving the right to vote, Smith argued, blacks also had sought economic and social equality. By disfranchising blacks, whites could maintain the social order.

Hoke Smith


Howell, on the other hand, claimed that the Democratic white primary and the poll tax were already sufficient in limiting black voting. Instead, Howell emphasized that Smith was not the racial separatist he claimed to be, and he charged that Smith had in the past cooperated with black political leaders and thus could not be relied upon to advance the cause of white supremacy.


In addition to the political debates waged in the Journal and the Constitution, other newspapers, especially the Atlanta Georgian and the Atlanta News, carried stories throughout the year about alleged assaults on white women by black men. The media provoked such anger and hatred in its white readers—with stories, editorials, and cartoons warning of rising crime; threats of the rape of their mothers, wives, and daughters by black males; the disreputable saloons that encouraged drunkenness and licentious behavior in "brutish" men; and the desire of "uppity" blacks to achieve equality with whites—that by late September, after newspaper reports of four separate incidences of alleged assaults by blacks on white women circulated in Atlanta, mob violence erupted.


The Riot


On the afternoon of Saturday, September 22, Atlanta newspapers reported four alleged assaults, none of which were ever substantiated, upon local white women. Extra editions of these accounts, sensationalized with lurid details and inflammatory language intended to inspire fear if not revenge, circulated, and soon thousands of white men and boys gathered in downtown Atlanta. City leaders, including Mayor James G. Woodward, sought to calm the increasingly indignant crowds but failed to do so. By early evening, the crowd had become a mob; from then until after midnight, they surged down Decatur Street, Pryor Street, Central Avenue, and throughout the central business district, assaulting hundreds of blacks.

The mob attacked black-owned businesses, smashing the windows of black leader Alonzo Herndon's barbershop. Although Herndon had closed down early and was already at home when his shop was damaged, another barbershop across the street was raided by the rioters—and the barbers were killed. The crowd also attacked streetcars, entering trolley cars and beating black men and women; at least three men were beaten to death.

Finally, the militia was summoned around midnight, and streetcar service was suspended. The mob showed no signs of letting up, however, and the crowd was dispersed only once a heavy rain began to fall around two a.m. Atlanta was under the control of the state militia.
On Sunday, September 23, the Atlanta newspapers reported that the state militia had been mustered to control the mob; they also reported that blacks were no longer a problem for whites because

Walter White


Saturday night's violence had driven them off public streets. While the police, armed with rifles, and militia patrolled the streets and key landmarks and guarded white property, blacks secretly obtained weapons to arm themselves against the mob, fearing its return. Despite the presence of law enforcement, white vigilante groups invaded some black neighborhoods. In some areas African Americans defended their homes and were able to turn away the incursions into their communities. (One person who described such activity was Walter White, who experienced the riot as a young boy. The incident was a defining moment for White, who went on to become secretary of the NAACP, and he later described the event in his 1948 memoir A Man Called White.)


On Monday, September 24, a group of African Americans held a meeting in Brownsville, a community located about two miles south of downtown Atlanta and home to the historically black Clark College (later Clark Atlanta University) and Gammon Theological Seminary. The blacks were heavily armed. When Fulton County police learned of the gathering, they feared a counterattack and launched a raid on Brownsville. A shootout ensued and an officer was killed. In response, three companies of heavily armed militia were sent to Brownsville, where they seized weapons and arrested more than 250 African American men. Meanwhile, sporadic fighting continued throughout the day.


Aftermath

On Monday and Tuesday, city officials, businessmen, clergy, and the press called for an end to violence, because it was damaging Atlanta's image as a thriving New South city. Indeed, the riot had been covered throughout the United States as well as internationally.

Fears of continued disorder prompted some white civic leaders to seek a dialogue with black elites, establishing a rare biracial tradition that convinced mainstream northern whites that racial reconciliation was possible in the South without national intervention. Paired with black fears of renewed violence, however, this interracial cooperation exacerbated black social divisions as the black elite sought to distance itself from the lower class and its interests, leaving the city among the most segregated and socially stratified in the nation.


Newspaper accounts at the time and subsequent scholarly treatments of the riot vary widely on the number of casualties. Estimates range from twenty-five to forty African American deaths, although the city coroner issued only ten death certificates for black victims. Most accounts agree that only two whites were killed, one of whom was a woman who suffered a heart attack on seeing the mob outside her home.


There were other consequences of the riot as well, both locally and nationally. Its aftermath saw a retrenchment of Atlanta's black community, in terms of both businesses and residences.



The riot contributed to the passage of statewide prohibition and black suffrage restriction by 1908.

It discredited for many black leaders the accommodationist strategy of Booker T. Washington among the leadership of black America, and gave new legitimacy to the more aggressive tactics for achieving racial justice epitomized by W. E. B. Du Bois, who wrote a powerful poem, "The Litany of Atlanta," in the riot's wake.

Although it had a profound effect on many of those who experienced it, for decades the riot was forgotten or minimized in the white community and ignored in official histories of the city.


As Atlanta grew, ethnic and racial tensions mounted.

The Atlanta Race Riot of 1906 left at least 27 dead[7] and over seventy injured.

In 1913, Leo Frank, a Jewish supervisor at a factory in Atlanta was put on trial for raping and murdering a thirteen-year old white employee from Marietta, a suburb of Atlanta. After doubts about Frank's guilt led his death sentence to be commuted in 1915, riots broke out in Atlanta and Frank was kidnapped from prison, with the collusion of prison guards, and carried to Marietta where he was lynched.


In the 1930s, the Great Depression hit Atlanta. With the city government nearing bankruptcy, the Coca-Cola Company had to help bail out the city's deficit.

The federal government stepped in to help Atlantans by establishing Techwood Homes, the nation's first federal housing project in 1935.

With the entry of the United States into World War II, soldiers from around the Southeastern United States went through Atlanta to train and later be discharged at Fort McPherson.

War-related manufacturing such as the Bell Aircraft factory in the suburb of Marietta helped boost the city's population and economy.

Shortly after the war in 1946, the Communicable Disease Center, later called the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) was founded in Atlanta from the old Malaria Control in War Areas offices and staff.

In 1951, the city received the All-America City Award, due to its rapid growth and high standard of living in the southern U.S.

In the wake of the landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education, which helped usher in the Civil Rights Movement, racial tensions in Atlanta began to express themselves in acts of violence. For example, on October 12, 1958, a Reform Jewish temple on Peachtree Street was bombed. The "Confederate Underground" claimed responsibility. Many believed that Jews, especially those from the northeast, were advocates of the Civil Rights Movement.


In the 1960s, Atlanta was a major organizing center of the US Civil Rights Movement, with Dr. Martin Luther King and students from Atlanta's historically black colleges and universities playing major roles in the movement's leadership. On October 19, 1960, a sit-in at the lunch counters of several Atlanta department stores led to the arrest of Dr. King and several students, drawing attention from the national media and from presidential candidate John F. Kennedy.

Despite this incident, Atlanta's political and business leaders fostered Atlanta's image as "the city too busy to hate". In 1961, Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. became one of the few Southern white mayors to support desegregation of Atlanta's public schools.

While the city mostly avoided confrontation, minor race riots did occur in 1965 and in 1968.




So what about that HIS STORY that was connected to the movie Gone With the Wind and Atlanta?


Racial politics

Some have criticized the film for romanticizing, sanitizing or even promoting the values of the antebellum South, in particular its reliance on slavery.

For example, syndicated columnist Leonard Pitts has referred to it as "a romance set in Auschwitz." But the majority of filmgoers back in 1939 expressed no concerns about this. In fact, the blacks in the film were generally portrayed in a better light than the black characters in the book.

Portrayal of Black characters


The character of Mammy, played by Hattie McDaniel, has been linked with the stock character of the "happy slave", an archetype that implicitly condones slavery.

However, some, as in Scarlett's Women: Gone with the Wind and Its Female Fans by Helen Taylor, have argued that Mammy's character is more complex than this, that her character represents someone who cared for others, despite the racism and oppression she suffered.

Other writers also point out that despite her position as slave, she is not shy about upbraiding her white mistress, Scarlett; and indeed, she is yelling at Scarlett in her first scene.


But Mammy frequently derides other slaves on the plantation as "field hands", implying that as a House Servant she is above the "less-refined" blacks. While never referring specifically to Mammy, civil rights leaders like Malcolm X were very critical of "house Negroes" who helped maintain the status quo of slavery and subjugation by being content with their place. Most apparent is the scene in the film where Mammy accompanies Scarlett to Atlanta, in order to convince Rhett Butler to help them pay the taxes on Tara.


As they walk down the streets, Mammy passes by a Yankee carpetbagger who promises a group of ex-slaves "forty acres and a mule." The ex-slaves are excited, but Mammy glares at them disapprovingly.


Responding to the racial critiques of the film, Selznick replied that the black characters were "lovable, faithful, high-minded people who would leave no impression but a very nice one." While Mammy is generally portrayed in a positive light, other black characters in the film are not so fortunate.


The character of Prissy, a dim-witted slave girl, played by Butterfly McQueen, offended blacks and whites when played in the theatre. In one especially famous scene, as Melanie is about to give birth, Prissy bursts into tears and admits she lied to Scarlett: "Lawzy, we got to have a doctor. I don't know nothin' 'bout birthin' babies!" (in response, Scarlett slaps her).


In The Autobiography of Malcolm X, the former civil rights leader recounted his experience of watching this particular scene as a small boy in Michigan: "I was the only Negro in the theater, and when Butterfly McQueen went into her act, I felt like crawling under the rug."


Others have pointed out that Scarlett also slaps Ashley, Rhett, and her sister Suellen. But none of those incidents involved Scarlett punishing a slave like Prissy who could not reasonably retaliate.

Others have also argued that Prissy's frightened dim-wittedness is matched by the white matron Aunt Pittypatt, who deserts Melanie and Scarlett in their time of need. But while Aunt Pittypatt is frightened and dim-witted, she knew that unlike Prissy, she could leave without consequences.


The role of Prissy catapulted Butterfly McQueen's film career, but within ten years she grew tired of playing black ethnic stereotypes. When she refused to continue being typecast that way, it ended her career.


Many black actors in the film were criticized by members of the African-American community for agreeing to play a role.

Oscar Polk, who played the role of Pork, wrote an op-ed in the Chicago Defender -- a prominent newspaper in the black community -- to respond to that criticism. "As a race we should be proud," he said, "that we have risen so far above the status of our enslaved ancestors and be glad to portray ourselves as we once were because in no other way can we so strikingly demonstrate how far we have come in so few years."

Polk, however, failed to mention that as recently as 1939 in the South, African-Americans were forcibly prevented from voting, lynched and subject to Jim Crow segregation.



Unquestioned racist comments


After the Civil War, Gerald O'Hara (Scarlett's father, who owns the plantation Tara), scolds his daughter about the way she is treating Mammy and Prissy. "You must be firm to the inferior, but gentle", he advises her.

While Scarlett was criticized for being too harsh on the house servants, Gerald's premise that black people are "inferior" never gets questioned in the film at all.


Some scenes subtly undercut the apparent romanticization of Southern slavery.

During the panicked evacuation of Atlanta as Union troops approach, Scarlett runs into Big Sam, the black foreman of the O'Hara plantation.

Big Sam informs her that he (and a group of black field-hands who are with him) have been impressed to dig fortifications for the Confederacy. But these men are singing "Go Down Moses", a famous black spiritual that slaves would sing to call for the abolition of slavery.


The Shantytown Raid scene was changed in the film to make it less racially divisive than the book.

After Scarlett is attacked in a Shantytown outside Atlanta, her husband Frank, Ashley, and others leave to raid the Shantytown that night to avenge Scarlett's honor.

In the book, Scarlett's attacker was black, and her friends are identified as members of the Ku Klux Klan.

In the film, no mention of the Klan is made.

In both the film and the book, her life is saved during the attack by a black man, Big Sam.



Racial politics at Atlanta premiere


Racial politics spilled into the film's premiere in Atlanta, Georgia.

As Georgia was a segregated state, Hattie McDaniel could not have attended the cinema without sitting in the "colored" section of the movie theater; to avoid troubling Selznick, she thus sent a letter saying she would not be able to attend.

When Clark Gable heard that McDaniel did not want to attend because of the racial issue, he threatened to boycott the premiere unless McDaniel was able to attend; he later relented when McDaniel convinced him to go.


At the costume ball during the premiere, local promoters recruited blacks to dress up as slaves and sing in a "Negro choir" on the steps of a white-columned plantation mansion built for the event. Many black community leaders refused to participate. But prominent Atlanta preacher Martin Luther King, Sr. attended, and he brought his 10-year-old son, future civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., who sang that night in the choir.


The film also resulted in an important moment in African-American history: Hattie McDaniel won an Academy Award for Best Supporting Actress, the first time a black person won an Oscar.






Sooooo

The real issue here is how much of this history do you consider your history too


Many of you have no clue why we use the word "Field and House Negro's" until you make the connection with Malcom X seeing the movie and make'n statements about it

The race riots was started over a Jewish guy who killed a white woman but blacks were blamed for everything...

And most of the Jim Crow shit you believe is only comments created by articles from northern people who had no clue what was dirty about the south...


And lastly

The projects were FIRST created in Atlanta to assist people (even blacks) during WW2 and before in WW1

But they found it a good way to control the mindsets of blacks who were raised in these enviorments

And many of you are still mentaly enslaved over a movie and some racial bullshit about the south.


So how ghetto are you?


Why don't you know JACK about your own history?


Is your freedom really GONE WITH THE WIND?


Even if it is only in your mind...and mindset.



It's time to wake up people...







Mr Ez
by
MAN LAW!!!